Melancthon Lloyd Woolsey

A Memoir





Melancthon Lloyd Woolsey

Lieutenant, Continental Army

Major, New York Levies

Brigadier General, Clinton County Militia

A Memoir

Compiled for His Descendants
By His Great-grandson

 Melancthon Lloyd Woolsey

Member of The Society of The Cincinnati, State
of New York, Companion of The Loyal
Legion, Chaplain of The Order of
Lords of Colonial Manors


Privately Printed at the Moorsfield Press







One hundred and thirty copies of this Memoir were printed by Hugh McLellan, in the month of November, 1929.  The sixteenth production of the Moorsfield Press. No. ___






The account of a life, comparatively inconspicuous, such as is recorded in these pages, can be of interest to a limited circle only, that of the descendants of him who is here portrayed; perhaps also to local historians.  For the benefit of such readers it has seemed to me worth while to put together the contents of written records in my hands and others to which I have had access.

Grateful acknowledgment is due, for the use of many letters, to Mrs. Valery Havard and Miss Hewit, to Doctor George M. Boyd, and Mr. Hugh McLellan; for valuable suggestions, and pictures of the Livingston house, to Doctor William S. Thomas; to Grand Secretary, Robert Judson Kenworthy, for information from Masonic archives; to Miss Helen Wilkinson Reynolds, for items from Church records, and to Judge John H. Booth, for items from Court records.

M. Lloyd Woolsey.

South West Harbor, Maine.

October 18, 1929.

Melancthon Lloyd Woolsey

A Memoir

Melancthon Lloyd Woolsey, only son of Colonel Melancthon Taylor Woolsey and his wife Rebecca Lloyd, was born at the Manor of Queens Village (Lloyds Neck) Long Island, May 8, 1758.  His father died while on military duty in the French and Indian War, September 28 of the same year.

His early years were probably spent at Lloyds Neck, to which his mother, with this little son and her two daughters, Rebecca and Theodosia, retired from Dosoris, her husband’s estate, on the death of the latter.

 We have a glimpse or two of his childhood.  His uncle, Dr. James Lloyd, writes from Boston, March 28, 1772, to John Lloyd, Jr., “Tell Sister Woolsey that Lloyd is well, and hope he will go to the Amory’s1 in a month or six week's time, when I don't doubt he will do very well.”  June 8, Henry Lloyd, another uncle, writes, “Lloyd Woolsey began his apprenticeship the 1st of June.” His uncle James again, in June, 1773, “My most affectionate love to Sister Woolsey and her children. I rejoice to hear that her son has recovered of his lameness, but much more to hear that he is become a sober thinking lad, and hope that he may become a comfort to her in her old age.”

On attaining the age of fifteen, of his voluntary act” he constituted his uncle, John Lloyd, his guardian for the management of property inherited from his father, originally one-half of the latter’s estate.  On his coming of age this guardianship was discharged, he having then received from his uncle £2500.2

He entered the American army on the outbreak of the Revolutionary War, when only eighteen.  To observe chronological order, this will be the place to give an account of his military service in his own words, written towards the close of his life.  This is in a letter to his eldest son and namesake: addressing a sailor, in the opening paragraphs he playfully introduces some nautical terms.

Cumberland Head, 3d Feby, 1818.

Dear Melancthon,

The day after you left us it began to grow cold, and Friday, Saturday & Sunday were the coldest of any three days in succession for many years—the thermometer was from 13 to 20 degrees below 0 all the time. The lake has cleared fore & aft at an earlier day than usual, tho' later here in the narrow water than common—it is now staunch & there is a throng of travellers in sight from morning till night.

I received your line from Newell with the delightful box of trout & thank you kindly.  We were glad to find you had arrived so seasonably, if you were off at 7 in the morning you doubtless reached the Widow Warrens—then somewhere about Saratoga on Friday—& Albany to dine on Saturday unless the cold was so severe to impede your progress. Of this I expect to be informed to-night by your letter of Friday coming now on its way in the mail.  I hope no inconvenience, or ill-health from travelling has happened to your crockery to arrest you by the way, but that this evening you will unlade at Poughkeepsie all well - 7 days out.  We remain in usual health.

I did intend to write to Gen' Brown, I have a confidence in his friendship both for you, and for myself.  There seems to be a disposition in the Government to do something for those who have done all in their power for their country.  I never had the power to do much, but I have suffered very much. My Father fell a sacrifice in its service at the head of a battalion in September '58, leaving me only four months old; before I was of age to be accomplished for any business, the revolutionary troubles commenced.  When 18 I joined the army as a volunteer—in the autumn of despair.  I went thro' the Jerseys with the remnant of our army, was with Lee's division when he was taken, then under Sullivan joined the Commander in chief at Newtown in Pennsylvania—carried my musket in Glover's Regt at the attack upon Trenton. In January 17773 was appointed a 1st Lieut. in Lee's4 Regt., one of the additional 16 Regiments. Spent part of my winter at Morristown assisting Col. Palfrey who was my particular friend, then Paymaster Genl—received a wound in the attack of a British foraging party—I think Genl Dickinson commanded us—we however took 40 of 50 waggons, a number of prisoners & horses—was sent to Gov. Trumbull with 100,000, & then joined my family at Danbury too lame to go to my Regt then raising in Boston, till July.  I however acted as an aid to Gen1 Wooster when Danbury was burnt & was not ten paces from him when he fell at Ridgebury.  I was also aide to Genl Parsons when Norwalk was burnt & had my horse killed under me on the bridge as Col. Talmadge late of Congress from Connecticut can testify.  In the December following I marched a detachment from Boston to Lancaster where my men were innoculated for the small-pox, after which we joined the army at Valley Forge & were placed in advance at the Gulf mills, where we were constantly on the alert continually exposed not only to unremitting fatigue but disaster and destruction. When Philadelphia was evacuated the next June our Regiment was distinguished at Monmouth, but had it not been for the officer who commanded us (he is dead, I would tread lightly on his ashes) we should have reaped a rich harvest of laurels. Before passing the Hudson, we were ordered to the siege of Newport under Gen' Sullivan, Genl Greene, the Marquis of Lafayette, &c. After the disaster of the French fleet, it became necessary to raise the siege.  On leaving our lines before the town Genl Pigot came out & fought us, but we flogged him.  We were then (our corps in advance) commanded by Col. H. B. Livingston of the 4th New York (in which I had been appointed an Ensign in June 17765, but did not accept) as dashing a hero as ever wore a sword.  He came to witness the siege as a volunteer.  We had remonstrated to Genl Sullivan against being commanded by Col. who we thought had been bashful at Monmouth, but the Col. being the favorite of Genl Knox, it was arranged so that he escaped disgrace, but Col. Livingston being junior, to save our feelings, we were placed under his command at the head of the elite.  The next winter, the three of the 16 — Lee's, Henley's & Jackson's, which had been raised in Massachusetts, were consolidated, there not being then, men enough in the whole to make one Regt.  Lee resigned early & never joined. Henley soon followed & Jackson had the whole—it was left to him to select his officers, four of us from New York were the first on the list of derangements—Lieut. Col. William S. Smith, Capt. David Van Horne, Lieut. M. L. Woolsey, & Ensign John Smith, brother to the Lieut. Col.

In the following Spring I married at Poughkeepsie & was soon attached to the family of Gov. Clinton.  The next year7 he gave me a Majority in a Regt. of Levies raised to reinforce the army of the U. States.  After joining the Grand Army near Dobbs Ferry8, I was ordered to the frontier—at Schoharie in Oct. with 130 men I maintained my post against John Johnson & 700 men, half regular, half savage, & killed him a number of men.  There was just as much merit in this defence, except as to magnitude, as in the defense of Plattsburgh — we both put on a good face & that was about all.


His report sent a few weeks before this event showed a slightly larger force, which however, may have been diminished by desertions or otherwise.

Weekly Return of the detachments of Foot Levies of Colo. Graham's, Colo. Jacob's & Colo. Brown's Regiments commanded by Major Woolsey. Schoharie, September 27th, 1780.

Companies, Capt. Lansing, Capt. Muller, Capt. Foord, Capt. Poole. Capt. Bogart, Rifleman, Field Officer, Major, 1. Commissioned officers, Captains, 4, Lieutenants, 6, Staff, Adjutant 1, Qr. Master, 1, Mate (Surgeon's) 1.

Non-Commissioned officers, 17. Drum & fife, 7, Rank & File, 204, with 17 to be deducted as absent or sick, 2 having deserted since Last Return, and 4 joined.9

Mel. L'd Woolsey, Major10

Concerning the engagement we have, in the way of official accounts, brief statements to be found in the Clinton Papers.  General Robert Van Rensselaer writes to Gov. Clinton from Schenectady, Oct. 18th.11

Dear Sir, The Letter of which the inclosed is a Copy was delivered me this Morning.  The Express who brought the Letter advises that Colonel Veeder directed him to inform Mr. Glen that 150 of the enemy in Addition to the Number mentioned in his Letter, were in the upper part of Schohary……….The Express who brought Colo. Veeder's Letter says that Major Woolsey sallied from his garrison yesterday and killed five and took 2 of the enemy. The prisoners are British soldiers. I am, very respectfully, your Excellency's most obed't servant

Robt. V'n Rensselaer.

The accompanying letter reads:

Lower Fort Schohary, Oct'r 17th, 1780.

     Dear Sir, The Enemy have burnt the whole of Schohary; the first fire was discovered about the middle Fort 8 O'Clock this morning; they passed by this post on both sides at 4 O'Clock this afternoon; they took the whole of their booty and moved down to Harmen Sitney's; they have fired two swivel shoots thro' the roof of the church.  I have sent three scouts to make some discoveries about the middle Fort at different times this day and none have as yet returned; no express has arrived at this post from either fort; by what we have seen of the Enemy we suppose their force to be between 5 or 600, mostly regulars & Tories.

V. Veeder, Lt. Col.


Governor Clinton repeats this information in a letter to General Washington written the next evening.

 During the remainder of the time until the cessation of hostilities, Woolsey was acting as aide to Governor Clinton, a position of trust and honor, implying continued confidence on the part of the Governor, which is further indicated in his letter following, written to Governor Trumbull of Connecticut, with regard to a passport.

Po'keepsie, 8th October, 1781.

Dr Sir, The Bearer, Major Woolsey whose Mother and family at present resides in Connecticut informs me that they left the principal Part of their Property on Long Island on their removal from thence when the enemy arrived before New York, that it remains in such Situation as to afford them Prospects of securing it could they obtain passports for bringing it across the Sound into your State and that on an Application lately made to your Excellency for that Purpose, you was pleased to encourage them to hope for this Indulgence should it meet with my Approbaton. I am, therefore, at the particular Instance of the Major in whose Patriotism I place Confidence induced to take the liberty of signifying my Consent to the granting of his Request in such Manner as your Excellency shall deem proper & consistent with the public Interest and safety.


On the nature of his duties at this time some light is thrown by a couple of extracts from the Clinton Papers.

Saturday Morning, May 12th. [1781]

Sir, Ille quern requiris, est inventunt12—and if it is your Excellency's desire may be seen here any time this morning, I should have brought him up last night but tho't he might be discovered as it was near day; he has some intelligence tho' not of immediate importance.  I am with ye greatest respect your Excellency's Humble Servant

M. L. Woolsey.13

One Solomon Baker being charged as a spy, a General Court Martial was held at Poughkeepsie, May 17th, 1781, by order of the Governor, under the Presidency of Col. Frear, Mel. L'd Woolsey, Judge Advocate, P.T.14

Woolsey had now a wife and child depending on him.  He had married,15 on the 3d of March, 1779, Alida, the daughter of Henry Livingston, Esq., of Poughkeepsie.  One at least of his own sisters, Rebecca, went from Danbury to Poughkeepsie to attend the wedding, and on returning wrote a little account of it to their cousin, Abigail Lloyd.

The bride was pretty and of a proper size to look well by the side of her partner.  She was dressed in a handsome brocade gown, with blond lace kuffs and handkerchief, and smart modern head, large enough to please Melancthon.  Except ourselves there was no company but children, who were all handsomely dressed, and fill'd a large roome, after a sociable dish of tea, just at candle light the Ceremony was perform'd, the Bride felt much but behav'd well, the Bride Groom I suppose felt as much of exultation as the next of his sex.  The next day was devoted to company, in the morning gentlemen, in the afternoon ladies—and all conducted agreably; we had a very clever visit of near four weeks.

Like many another soldier, of the Revolution, he had sunk his private fortune, and found himself practically destitute at its close.16  His first efforts to provide a support for himself and his family resulted in failure, although, according to his showing, through no fault of his own.  To resume his letter at the point where we broke off:

After that I saw no more service except in Gov. Clinton's family. By this time my whole patrimony was gone. It was chiefly sunk by depreciation, for it was all in money and bonds (about $7000) which had been paid in as the money was falling—& I actually paid $160 for a pair of boots, that had been received instead of gold and silver—for gold and silver lent on bond.  After this I engaged in a little mercantile business & found credit for a few thousand dollars & was doing well.  There was however unfortunately a quantity of British goods in my stock. They were goods smuggled from New York, seized in Jersey, condemned, sold, & purchased by Henry Ten Broeck of Jersey—then bro't openly into Dutchess County & openly sold.  At the next session of the Legislature, soon after my purchase, I being at Hartford, Connecticut, to make up an assortment of groceries, a law was passed sequestrating all British merchandise, which unless deposited in ten days with a Justice of the peace & an invoice of the same left with the Treasurer was liable to seizure and confiscation. On my return from Hartford, my clerk fearful of consequences had made a deposit according to law—my goods remained sequestered till after the peace.  Judgments had in the meantime been obtained against me, & the very goods which had cost me £2300, were sold by the Sheriff for £150.  I was completely ruined & being unable to compromise was forced to apply to the Legislature for a special act of Insolvency, which I obtained without difficulty, & my only consolation was that I owed them for 700 barrels of flour purchased of Col. Hay their agent, & sent by land to Boston. I however lost the whole by the failure of Parker & Cook—Cook is dead—Parker a Nabob in Europe & is the same who was concerned with Comfort Sands, Wm Drew & others in the speculations in final settlements.

What was to be done, I knew not, but turning my eye to the Wilderness I supposed I might starve unseen, or I might rise, there was a chance.


It is not easy for us to realize that this "Wilderness" was the New York border of Lake Champlain, that some courage would be called for in him who would venture thither to seek a living and create a home, and that such a venture would be regarded by his relatives with dismay. His mother, writing from New Haven, April 4th, 1785, to her daughter Theodosia, in Boston, says:

 My dear, it is with grate Reluctance that I must tell you that this month my only son and your Brother is a going to Lake Champlain in order to repair a Lost fortune he I fear will go and not let me see him before he goes he has nothing left.  Mr Hillhouse seems to be pleasd that he is spirited to try his fortune in a new country God grant that he may be Presarved and Succeeded.  I find it nesasary for me to cast it behind my back as much as possible, and I beg you not to sorrow over much for the sorrow of the world worketh death. I have some prospect of getting 50£ this month, and have wrote him he may have it if he can spear time to come for it.

Into the wilderness, without depriving his widowed mother of the money offered, he went that spring, and what he found and how he fared, he tells in a letter, opening in a somewhat flowery style, written to his brother-in-law, Major Henry Livingston, in August of the same year.

From the deep recesses of the impenetrable woods, and from the rushing waters of the foaming Saranac, Melancthon, To his Brother, to his friend Henry, on the verdant banks of the softly gliding Hudson, smiles, bows & wishes Health.

If thy spirit was with me, it was not with my spirit on the way hither, for that remained behind and never overtook me till some days after my arrival here; I sometimes, when I can reflect, impeach myself for ingratitude to Heaven for bearing with so little fortitude the trifling inconveniences (or rather disagreeablenesses) unavoidably attendant upon human life—it requires a greater exertion of the mind in me to bear with but a tolerable degree of firmness this short separation from my family & friends than it did in Hercules or Brutus, to fight a Hydra or slay a Tyrant.

Your Epistle Date August 2d was handed me last evening, & Atho' you spoiled my supper, & robbed me of a night's sleep, I not only forgive, but am thankful.  News of distant friends delate the heart and operate on it, like the softest vibrations of the most harmonious Music on the ear, & did I wish to compliment, I might add, that your composition wants nothing but a Da-Capo to make it perfectly soniferous.

At present I have no more soul than just to animate my Body.  I lay down & rise up, go out and come in as any other brute would do; you would both laugh at and pity me if you could be an unobserved observer of my diurnal walks. I rise rather before the sun, pull of my shirt, and put on a frock of coarse oznaburgs, wash, drink half a glass of strong bitters (Peruvian) the people go to work, I, to cooking, Breakfast ready I call them in, that eaten, I prepare dinner, wash dishes, scower pails &ca every other day I go out with them (having cooked for two days) & labour with unremitting diligence, till the bright luminary of day glides down the western horizon & goes to roost behind the distant hills, then indulge in one drink of grog, smoak one pipe, sigh for home, & retire.

But humble and hard as these employments are, they administer many comforts unknown in a life of indolence and dissipation. For the present they strengthen the body, give sound sleep, whet the appetite and exclude a thousand Mental intruders. I know them to be the Basis on which my future Ease, Independence and Honors must rise ; I see in a Period of time not very distant, my children happily and competently Provided for, I see a number of delightful farms, under the highest state of cultivation and improvement rising round me, I see my business conducted with order and regularity, I see myself so free from the bondage of the World, that I need not stoop to what is mean, or commit what is criminal; in a situation to afford relief to the distressed; and enjoying in the fullest luxuriance the principles of Charity, Benevolence and hospitality; Company and retirement succeeding at proper intervals, and with my own old Doll, enjoying compleat satisfaction in our happy retreat.

You ask me for a Historical, Biographical & natural account of this new world — it is not in my power to give you either His-story you must do without, and wait till winter for My-Story —Biographical—There are no characters here that would do honor to human Nature should they be drawn, except that of my friend the Judge, and it is best to leave behind the veil such as would disgrace it; Not but that there are many in our society who possess some Virtues — but they are all either Negative or Mechanical.

This Township when it comes to be improved will be one of the most delightful situations in the World, the soil is rich indeed, and the gradual, almost imperceptible, rize of the land from the shores westward, will admit of your seeing the Lake, Grand Isle, & the distant Mountains of Vermont at the distance of seven miles from the Lake.  Since I have been here I have not seen Indian, Wolf, Bear, Moose, Deer, Fox, Raccoon, Wild-cat, Pole-cat, Weazel, Martin or Squirrel — I have seen Patridges, Pidgeons & Wild Ducks, (“I've found where the Wood Pidgeons breed.”)  The natural Productions of the soil are chiefly Maple, Beach, Basswood, & also Butternut, a few Oak, & rarely -- white Walnut trees, some Birch, Elms, & Poplar — no Chestnut or Sassafras.  Shrubs, the principal are White and Red Currants, Goosberries, Whortle-berries (among the Pines) Hops, Ginseng, Sarsaparilla, Snake-root, Coltsfoot &ca. The Waters abound with fish of the best kind.

The settlement of the country must from Necessity be very Rapid, there are as many at least as 300,000 acres of land, already patented, & which must have a family to every 500 acres within three years, or be forfeited. We sell lands at present, for the encouragement of settlers at 8/ pr acre, Gilfillan sells from 20/ to 37/4 & as soon as we obtain our Number, we shall sell none under those prices, the Mills and Iron Works will promote the settlement here — the cole for the consumption of the Iron Works will considerably more than pay for clearing the land.

I have seen Melanethon L. Woolsey go with four Men into a thick and heavy Wood, Build a house 21 feet square, get two thousand shingles, cover the house, pay for the Nails in labour, cut a road more than a Mile, dig a Well, & clear eight acres of land in eleven days, I have seen his hands blistered and bleeding, and still grasp the axe helve as the only ointment that could perform a cure, and thro' all enjoying perfect health — Thank Heaven.

I have practiced both Physick & surgery here with success & have received four dollars for my services, which is as much as I brought onto the ground with me. My fever-and-ague Plaisters I sell at 8/ including the Vomit, previously administered. Out of twenty one families, at present I do not know of one sick person.

Our Water is as good as possibly can be—in no place we need dig more than 10 feet. I somewhat expect to raise a Barn this fall, but as the saw mill is not yet up (we raise it next week) can not cover it.  One of 48 pr 36 will be compleated under £40.  I shall draw a sufficiency of Logs for my boards before I quit for both barn & house, I have contracted for my shingles at 14/pr thousand. I intend a story & a half high with a Piazza, the plan I enclose, of half the house.

Much may (at present) be done here with but little money, a fine Country remains yet unappropriated, which may be obtained, from three pence to 2/ pr acre. I wish Beekman had come with me, Robert has neither strength nor energy sufficient— the fatigues would kill him, but Beekman could stand them, he need only explore the Country, make the locations, & sell at once for 1000 pr ct advance; if I had possessed £400 this spring should on the most moderate low testimony in two years been worth as many thousands.  The present is the time for the young and the unfortunate to secure independence and competence, if not affluence.

Amongst other good things, we expect to settle a Minister soon, a Mr. Sill, uncle to the Major, he has been with us a few weeks & thinks seriously of removing here next spring, 300 acres of land in fee simple, 260 for life, and 30 guineas a year is the offer made him—I think by no means a despicable one, for this place.

I have been unfortunate in losing Bush's services. I have only Michael now, however hope to sow five or six bushels of wheat yet & have 10 or 12 cut down & corn next year. I have only one anxiety, that is, that Dolly will refuse to come, but all I wish is, to make my family happy, & if I can do it, I shall chearfully submit to every hardship or inconvenience, but it is a great pity that such prospects should be blasted, when there is such a family rising.

You know who I love, tell them so. Adieu. God bless and shield you is the prayer of thy friend

Mel. Ld Woolsey


Plattsburgh, August 19th & 20th, 1785.

The letter to his son, sections of which have already been quoted, gives more accounts of his labors and of a measure of success following.

I came here & when I landed was £5 worse than nothing. I hired half the mills, I sawed boards, I drew logs, I tended the gristmill by night & by day—I worked hard and slept sound—as the country was settling & I the only man who could draw a deed, I had all the conveyancing—Two dollars was the price of a deed.  I bought 100 acres of land on cr. @ 5/.  There was no money, my fees were paid in labor on the land.  After two years I moved on to it & kept adding till I had 400, a good barn & a snug little house. The county of Clinton was organized, I was made the clerk.  That office gave $50 per year. I worked all day & did my recording at night—in 6 or 8 years & so up to 18 it gradually increased up to perhaps 300 dollars.

I was also, by Genl. Washington who knew me and unsolicited by me appointed Collector & held the office 16 or 17 years. This was never worth 500 a year, but putting all together I was able to do something for my children & live decently. I had accumulated in lands, stock, buildings &c a property worth about $12,000.

The deed of the land on which he settled is the first one on the records of the County Clerk's office of Clinton County.  It was entered by himself; a deed dated September 27, 1785, for one hundred acres on Cumberland Head from Zephaniah Platt to Melancthon Lloyd Woolsey, acknowledged before Gilbert Livingston as Notary Public. The house which he built there is still standing, although considerably altered.

 Of a contented life during these years, the following letter to his brother-in-law, Robert H. Livingston, gives evidence.

Octr. 12th, 1792.

Judge Platt will tell you all about our Country and ourselves.  I believe he has a regard for both, this will naturally lead him to show the fair side of the picture. The wants of man are never to be satisfied, & this reflection should teach us to be always so.  We can look down on many, up, on few—let us then be thankful for a middle state.

When I consider seriously the Changes I have seen, all my gratitude is but a trifling tribute, unworthy the acceptance of infinite goodness.

To close without mentioning your worthy departed friend Judge Tappan would perhaps be improper.  I can only say we lament; and wish it was in our power to soothe the afflictions of his very worthy, disconsolate family.

My Alicia joins me in most Affectionate regards to your Catharine, her family, and yours.

Any attention to your father-in-law's property in this Country—any Assistance or service that I can render will be done chearfully —you will therefore command freely.

If you can turn my Sleigh into clover Seed, and send it by Pitt, next winter—do it.

Good night, my dear brother Bob. A very good night, my Sister Kate.

Association with the relatives in Poughkeepsie continued as the years passed. Ten years later he is writing:

My wife declines her visit to Poughkeepsie till she sells her lot at the River, She has got to be devilish proud & will not go till her pockets are lined with chink, then she will dash away at plate, looking glasses & furniture17. I wish you and Bro. Gilbert would try to sell it for her.  I swear there never was a Wife who deserved to be gratified more than she does.  In case of a sale she will come in the summer.

As the new century opens, the movements of his son, then entering on his career as an officer of the Navy, become an absorbing topic in his letters. He writes to his brother-in-law in the letter just quoted, January 4th, 1802:

I received your letter on your return from New York giving me the information of the great Progress the Boston had made in her Passage by the last account received, for which I thank you. I see also by the News Papers that She experienced a severe Gale & proved Staunch, which must be very satisfactory to her Crew after having been on the Rocks.

Prudence is a requisite in a Commander as Fortitude, it was a damnable crime in Capt. Me Neil, contrary to the opinion of all his own Officers, to go to sea without a thorough examination of the Vessel, & lessens him exceedingly in my esteem.  I hope Our Boy will get into some of the other Ships on his arrival in the Mediterranean, probably it is to be expected, from the great number of officers that went out, four Lieutenants & fourteen Midshipmen—two of the former & six of the latter more than a complement—likely to supply deficiencies in the Squadron, from Deaths, resignations, &c.  I have written to him on the Station by Government dispatch boat, which will probably be Capt. Sterrett. His Laurens, Bob, are equal to any we read of.


Again, on April 5th of the same year:

If he is desirous of remaining, he will doubtless be gratified—some young men will be glad to exchange with him & if service will intitle him (and it will) to promotion I think he is right to hunt it.  I have been favored by the Secretary of the Navy with information that of the 150 midshipmen retained in service only 29 have older Warrants than M. but that Promotion will not follow rank of dates but Merit—that M. stands high in Estimation, having been represented to that department as the most active, circumspect, bold and diligent warrant officer on board the Adams; some compliments were also paid to his manners & breeding. . . . Bobby, you and I are both proud of that Boy—Heaven preserve him, may he be good & great.


Politics also, especially as he was an office-holder, came in for a share of attention. Thus in the same letter:

Offices—I don't know. I am sick of my Country—she is falling down.  I have wrote to Gilbert, you will see the letter, I don't know what to do, I fear I can't hear from him in time, tho' as yet I don't see that the Law of incompatibility has passed.  The old Turk has been much my friend, I am not deceived—it is N. Platt's party that try to injure me, but I shall be too much for them. I tell you now that I will put Sailly into the assembly at next Election—they want Mooers or Tredwell—they shall see that they can not rule the roost. No nominations have yet been made but I have wrought in secret, & arranged a combination that will crush their hopes this year. Sailly has been indefatigable in my favor—what a friend he is! he is a Republican—no demoncrat.

Shortly after this, unpleasant differences arose over the settling of the estate of his wife's father. Writing to his brother-in-law, he sets fourth his version of a matter in which he might have felt himself aggrieved, but says

For my own part, Robert, if I could answer it to my children, I would sink to the infernal centre every sou I have or ought to have from your good old father's Estate, if it might be the means of restoring the ancient & lovely harmony of the family.  I had been informed of the expiration of the bonds of submission without anything being affected, & I was sorry to hear it—because I considered it the best means of closing a shameful breach & with the least publicity. That justice would follow, I had no doubt—the Gentlemen who were to award, from respect to the family, would feel an interest in healing differences, as well as adjusting claims, & I declare to you, it is a mode I would pursue in preference to any other, even a private compromise; for I do insist that no man can be a competent Judge in his own case—it is nature to be swayed by interest & blinded by passion—both are parties in the present contention. And, when a discreet and disinterested as well as secret determination can be had, Virtue & honor (in my opinion) both command it18.... I feel no abatement of Affection, no spark of animosity—& I am determined not to feel it in any event. The subject is disagreeable—lets quit it.

As if in proof of this declaration of good will, the letter concludes with an invitation:

I hope your Kate will recover her wonted health, if she could persuade you to bring her here on a Visit she would be cured.  Give our loves to her, the Children and all the Circle of kindred.


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A very warm friendship existed between him and Judge Pliny Moore, appointed Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, and a Justice of the Peace in 1788, and living at the neighboring village of Champlain.  To him he wrote, Jan. 21, 1800:

My house is now finished, commodious & comfortable.  Nothing would be more agreeable than to make welcome in it Mrs. Moore and the Judge for a week.

They exchanged many communications on the subject of politics, which seem to have been waged with considerable bitterness.  The side taken by them may be gathered from a previous quotation, also from one taken from a letter to Judge Moore of April 20, 1800:

An incorrigible spirit of democracy has held its course in the place for many years, and the want of union among the Federalists is the only reason why it has not been put down.

In 1809, after the victory of Federalists in the elections, he wrote for his daughter-in-law an enthusiastic description of the local celebration; a copy of the letter, preserved among Judge Moore's papers, here follows.

C. Head, Friday morning.

Dear Eunice

I have but a moment—therefore expect a dull narrative. You have heard of our intentions to celebrate the return of commerce &c. "The Independent Americans" advertised for thursday inviting All of that character—as soon as the notice was published, Confusion appeared in the Democratic Ranks—the result of a canvas was—“Republican Virtue triumphant” & notice for rejoicing to all the “Friends of the Administration” to celebrate the patriotic stand made by the late majority in Congress, whereby a prospect of peace &c— anticipating us one day (fearing I suppose the fatal news which they expected, by the mail.)  We fixed thursday on purpose to have the state of our Election ascertained—the result is as it could be wished. They mustered about 50 at Nichols'—their toasts we have not yet got—they eat and drank —paraded Brook's Company & in the evening procession which paraded the streets had 27 citizens headed by Mr. Sailly—some with shouldered brooms &c—Grotesque—silly—Ridiculous.

Wednesday morning we sent for Mr Lyon—he came at evening, we gave him for his text psalm 126, ver. 3d  "The Lord hath done great things for us."  We assembled at Greens at 12—a gun for a signal—marched in procession to the Court house where we were entertained with good singing, the best prayer I ever heard, & an excellent discourse—at the end of the service, another gun & returned in the same order, Vizt.—Artillery—Music—Orator supported by Deacon Platt one of the Committee of arrangement — 4 members of the Committee—Ladies—federal citizens 2 & 2 about 150—no democrat with us but Mr Halsey, who came into church near the close of the sermon.  We sat down to the best table ever laid at Mr. Greens—excellent indeed—107 in number—Woolsey President, W. P. Platt V. Presdt.-3 sub vice Pts, Peabody, Gilliland & Marsh.  Mr Lyon gave the benediction. Toasts—

1 The U. S., strong in their Union—a glorious prospect of their continuing free & Independent.

2 James Maddison—President of the U. S.

3c The State of N. Y. In her new attitude, like the Sun emerging from a black cloud—her refulgence is doubled.

4 The Occasion—May our prospects of Peace be realized.

5 The Independent Electors of Clinton & Franklin—they have acted like Americans & worthy of themselves.

6 The Constitution of the U. S.—the bulwark of our Independence. It has been assailed by the Storms of faction, but preserved by the spirit of "Independent Americans."

7c The 17th, 18th, & 19th April—Three days worth more to the Union than the three preceeding years—Note these were the days in which Mr. Smith & Mr Erskine settled the nation.

8c Timothy Pickering—The Patriot & Statesman—The shafts of Calumny & detraction have assailed him in vain.

9c Jonathan Trumbull—a star in the east—whither the wise men will go to learn.

10 National honour supported by National Justice.

11 Washington & Hamilton—Their monuments are in the bosom of every Independent American.

I2c Solomon Van Rensselaer — Undeniable testimony of his worth is recorded on the minutes of the last Council. "He'd rather be a dog & bay the moon" than yield to proffered terms.

13 Peace with England—Truth & Justice have at length prevailed over domestic faction & french influence—thanks to the minority in Congress.

14c The Majority in our present assembly—the minority in the last.

15 The Navy—&c.

16 Commerce—May a part of its Revenues be allotted for its protection.

17 Our fellow Citizens who assembled yesterday at Don Caleb's Cheapest Tavern—“The first shall be last, & the last first.”  Volunteer by the President.

The Spanish Patriots (& their Allies) May they always be able to Beard* the french, & never want a Hope† to obtain full satisfaction for all their injuries, and More§.

A number of other Volunteers & a Gun to all the Standing toasts, those marked C 3 cheers—No 9 had 9 cheers—appropriate music.

* Genl. Sir David Baird †Genl.  Hope   §Genl. Sir John More, who fell.

As soon as the toasts were finished the following song (composed instanter) was sung by Woolsey Gilliland and Wright standing on the table.


Tune—Enter'd Apprentice

Come let us prepare

We Fed'rals that are

To celebrate Madison's glories;

His virtue has made

Us, peace & free trade

In spite of the frenchmen & tories.



At Pickering's name,

Each son will proclaim

'Twas Washington's mantle he wore.

Bay'rd, Hillhouse & Lloyd

Will never avoid

The cause well supported by Gore.



Our Barent shall rise

In fame to the skies,

How rapid his glorious course'

No Demo can name

A blot in his fame,

Not a Campbell, a mule or a horse.



The Hills of Vermont

Stand bold in the front

While York her strong column displays;

Connecticut flanks

Their Veteran Ranks—

The States in the east shout their praise.



Then join hand in hand

By our Country firm stand

And liberty yet we may boast.

We studied our Rules

In Washington's schools—

Once more let His Name be our Toast.


After the song—Washington—& about 30 cheers. We then dispersed & after sunset our procession formed—Cannon—Music Clarionet, Violin, Drum fife-2 of the Committee, about 40 Ladies -2 of the Committee—about 250 citizens—marchd up to Roberts' & gave 1 gun & 3 cheers to the "Triumph of federalism"—returning, Mr. Griffins house illuminated—a Gun & 3 cheers “to the triumph &c.”  Ransoms house illuminated—the same when we got back to Greens the front Windows exhibited more than 300 lights, in the center window of the Ball room was an elegant portrait of Washington (in transparent painting)—over his head—“Federalism Triumphant”—on one side “Peace with England”—under the Bust—Washington & below the Eagle with a crescent of 17 stars—this exhibition had been kept secret, and the throng was drawn off while it was prepared, to make the surprise the greater—the effect was delightful—Major Platts & Dr Hoosick's houses illuminated—each had a gun & cheers—we then saluted our beloved fathers Shade with 17 guns & innumerable cheers—the lights were soon extinguished—the floor swept, the lights—the room aired & I left them beginning the joyous dance—the sons & daughters of democracy crept out after dark to behold, what they could not but respect, & could not imitate—they are down & dejected.  If another opportunity presents, I will send you 20 anecdotes. Farewell—give all our loves—kiss my baby & accept this little offering as a pledge of my love to you.


In addition to the offices of clerk of Clinton County and Collector of Customs at Plattsburgh, it appears that he was also chosen Surrogate of Washington County19. He does not mention this in the letter to his son, and probably did not serve.  He was chosen by his fellow-townsmen of Plattsburgh to other positions, as Assessor in 1793, and Trustee of a “Lancasterian” School, opened in 1816, and was honored with offices in the church.

In the militia, after the war, he appears as Lieut Colonel Commandant of Clinton County troops.  Again, “Aug. 27, 1798, His Excellency, the Commander in chief, having thought proper to form the militia of the County of Clinton into a brigade; therefore, Resolved, that Melancthon Lloyd Woolsey be, and he is hereby appointed brigadier-general thereof.”

 This rank he held until Jan. 28, 1803, when he resigned.  But at the time of the second war with Great Britain, there was formed at Plattsburgh a new Company (Thirty Sixth Regiment of Infantry, N.Y.S.) under the name of “Veteran Exempts,” Melancthon Lloyd Woolsey, Captain20—he being then fifty-four years of age.  In preparation for the conflict, he exercised such activities as were open to him, such as helping to erect a fortification at Cumberland Head. As the coming of soldiers must be arranged for, he wrote to Judge Pliny Moore at Champlain, Dec. 13, 1812,

You will probably have a detachment of the U. States troops as soon as the militia move. I shall want to contract for Wood & Straw—1 1/3 cords for 8 men for a Month & 18 lb straw for 2 men 16 days then to be refreshed with 8 lb & at the end of 16 days more, the whole new.  Will you make proposals, there will probably be at least 100 men, perhaps 130 & 6 Officers—they will occupy the Blockhouses.

To the same, Jan. 4, 1813.

The detachment mentioned in my last has unexpectedly arrived this morning, 100 Men under the Command of Capt Mulenbergh. ....You will please Sir to furnish the straw wanted, on the requisition & receipt of the Commanding Officer. Your son [Noadiah Moore] having offered the Wood at 10/ please request him to provide the necessary quantity on similar requisition & receipts. ...I have called for all public horses to be called in, conformably to a General Order of the Commander in Chief & shall advertise next Friday that no allowance will be made for Keeping after a short day subsequent to the Notice.  They are all to be sent to Jay—to be wintered at 6/ a head.  A Young Gentleman near you has one that he says he will not give up.  I think he had better reconsider & send him.

Having reached this point, would that the rest of this story might be an account of closing years spent in comfort and tranquility.  But on the contrary it is that of a series of misfortunes befalling him in his latter years.  He was writing at the age of sixty, doubtless prematurely aged through labors and hardships.  His narrative continues with the sad account of many troubles and concludes with an appeal, made through his son, for some consideration to be extended to him by those in authority.

In 1809 after my utmost exertions to accomplish the views of Government in the execution of the embargo system, others wanted my office. If they had had meritorious claims I would be silent—they had none. The clerkship was given to old Charles Platt, who was a knave ab initio & never did his country a day’s service.  There being no resource, I supported the expense of the district by loans from the Vermont banks & they were occasionally refunded by the Secretary, but when I was dismissed, there was due from me in my own Cr. about $3000 —I had more due from the public.  I rendered my accounts promptly, but was kept three years out of my balance.  In January, 1812, I received about $2200, in April following about $900 & now in Dec. 1817, $468.14—& all without interest.  In the meantime I have been put to more than $1000 cost; my estate has been sold by Vermont (before I received my money) and given to Com. McDonough, God bless him.  Vermont have not yet redeemed their bills & so have swindled all who touched them.  My place was estimated at $6000.  I owed them $3000, they bought it for $1000 & have asked me for the balance—but I believe they give that up. When I was collector, the salary was first $100, after a few years it was raised to $250—when I was turned adrift & Mr Sailly was appointed, it was raised to $500, & the office has been worth (probably) some years to him $5000.  I have now nothing left but my house & 50 acres which cannot support me.  I am 3 or 400 dollars in debt, old, infirm, incapable of work & soon to be a beggar.

Disloyalty was never laid to my charge.  True, I loved Washington better than Jefferson, Lewis, better than Tompkins, & here I fell.  Two years of the late war, 13 & 14, my little grounds were occupied by the army & I suffered much.  Col. Smith who occupied under Gen'. Hampton & Capt De Russy of the Engineers under Genl. Izard and did much of the damage have apprized it, under oath, have stated it at $1050, besides the troops in those two years stole from me above 80 sheep, 17 hogs, 43 geese, 200 fowls —several (all) my bee hives—all my fruit, my potatoes & my gardens. I can as yet get nothing.  I have confidence in the President both as a man & as the Supreme Magistrate, in his justice & in his benevolence & I love him as the father of the Nation, as a great & good man.

I have thought it better as you are so near Genl. Brown that you should state my case to him, than to trouble him with a letter —by his representations to the President, something might be done for me, consistent with the rules of Right.  Some little appointment that would give me the pay & emoluments of a Capt. would make the remainder—the small remainder of my life easy—but I should desire no military rank to be attached to it.  I cannot, on the established principle apply for a pension, & I feel a repugnance to it.  I want to do something for my bread—a quid pro quo.  I can desire nothing for myself, unless the half pay, with a retrospect as to time, should be granted—then if I could come in as a Major it would set me up.  I have spent much for & given much to, the army & I have the regard & esteem of all its gallant officers who knew me—but on these I shall soon starve.


He mentions an ulcer on his leg—possibly it resulted from his old wound—and a cancer in the temple, which, with other bodily ailments,

Will probably prevent my being long a burthen to my country, friends, or to myself.

So far I have stated facts, others must judge of them. If the claims are good I hope they may be regarded, but bad as my case at present is, I ask nothing that would not be extended to another in like circumstances. I never desired to fatten on the poductions of fraud or the honest labors of others. I never desired when I had a morsel to eat it alone—Nor did I grudge what Providence put it in my power to bestow.  You may possibly have it in your power to write me so as to receive an answer before your return, after communicating with Genl. Brown.

I make this communication through you to him in the fullest confidence in his honor and friendship.

One thing could be provided that a Navy Agent for this Lake or both Lakes should be appointed (as the legal commissions of such would be inadequate) with the pay & emoluments of a Master Commandant or even a Lt. Commandant—it would be the very thing. It is too far from New York, for the superintendance of that agent & in my opinion such an appointment would be proper.  I should then be always at home, either at your house or mine.

Present my respectful remembrances to Genl. Bloomfield, Mr Pitkin, Genl. Brown, Palmer, Storrs, Tingay, Porter, Decatur, Wharton &c.

Ever yours

Mel. Ld Woolsey.

His premonition of having but a short remaining term of life was verified.  In a letter written from Sacketts Harbor, July 8, 1819, to Judge Pliny Moore, of Champlain, his son, Commodore M.T. Woolsey, tells of having gone to Plattsburgh to bring back with him his father and mother, and his sisters, Susan and Cornelia. Their route was via Saratoga Springs, G. Aloiway, Johnstown, Laselles, Salisbury—stopping there for a day at the home of Beekman Livingston— last of all reaching Trenton, “where my Father gave out completely. Fortunately we were surrounded by the most genteel and benevolent families—and the best medical aid within call.”  He himself was obliged to go on to Sacketts Harbor, but writes that Mrs. Hubbell, (a daughter) came to Trenton for one or two days and Mr and Mrs Borland, (another daughter), from Boston for a week.  His father died June 28, and was buried at Trenton21.  “My Mother and Sisters were the only members of our family to follow him to the grave.”

    His widow long survived him, making her home first with her son and his family, and in later years with her daughter, Mrs James Platt, at
Oswego, where she died July 12, 1843, at the age of 85.

 What were the guiding principles and some of the personal traits of General Woolsey (as he was commonly called) will appear from the perusal of his letters. The enduring confidence and esteem shown him by Governor Clinton speaks for itself; as does his standing among his fellow-citizens.

 He was a member of the Masonic Order. The records of Solomon's Lodge of Poughkeepsie have the following entries:

New by-laws adopted Aug. 5, 1772, signed by 21 members among them Mel. Ld Woolsey.

Jan. 2, 1782, Election. Melancthon Woolsey elected Junior Warden.

Minutes St. John's Day, Dec. 27, 1782. Visitors, Brother George Washington, Commander in Chief, Brothers Woolsey and Graham.

Dec. 26, 1784. Melancthon L. Woolsey elected Master.


In a petition for the establishment of a Lodge at Plattsburgh, dated May 6, 1801, he, as a Past Master, was suggested for its first Master.  This petition was seconded by Solomon's Lodge of Poughkeepsie, May 22. “We cheerfully comply with their wishes as Brethren and more especially feel interested when we reflect that Brother Woolsey has once filled the Master's Chair of Solomon's Lodge with singular brightness and has ever sustained an irreproachable character both as a Man and a Mason.”  For some reason which does not appear a charter under this petition did not materialize; but another petition, dated Sept. 30, 1806, the list of signers being headed by Mel. Ld. Woolsey, Past Master, was granted, establishing Clinton Lodge of Plattsburgh.22

 It may be of interest to some of his descendants to know about his religious affiliations.  His mother's family, with whom his early life was spent, were earnest adherents of the Church of England.  His wife being of the Dutch Reformed faith, their marriage was solemnized by the minister of that Church at Poughkeepsie, and the baptisms of the four children born there are likewise entered on the records of that church.  Yet he signed a subscription list in 1784 for the support of a Rector for Christ Church in the same city and to a fund to pew the church, and was a pew-holder and vestry-man, the parish records showing that he attended the vestry-meetings with regularity23.

On removing to Plattsburg, where there was no Episcopal Church until 1821, the family attended Presbyterian worship.  Woolsey's name appears among the six Trustees chosen when the Presbyterian church was organized in 1792.  In April, 1816, he was set apart as one of the Elders24 under the new pastor, Rev. Nathaniel Hewitt, who was settled at Plattsburgh for three years.  This connection was doubtless an agreeable one, for Mr Hewitt was married, Sept 26, 1816, to Rebecca Woolsey Hillhouse of New Haven, General Woolsey's niece.

In 1816, the Clinton County Bible Society was organized, with Pliny Moore, of Champlain as President, and seven Directors, of whom Melancthon Lloyd Woolsey was one.25

He wrote to Judge Pliny Moore, Sept. 18, 1818,

Have you any poor people [at Champlain] unprovided with bibles, & unable to Supply themselves? If so, how many in your town? If any, and you will be so good as to distribute them, I will send you a proportion of the number required, out of a small supply sent to my care for gratuitous distribution by the Bible Society of Connecticut. I will now send you six by your son, & will await your commands in regard to a further supply.

I am dear sir, very Affectionately,

Your sincere friend & obed't servant

Mel. Ld Woolsey



1 Jonathan and John Amory, Importers of dry-goods, and General Merchants.  It was doubtless the experience gained during three years with them, which led him after the Revolution, to seek a support in the same line of business.

2  These items from the Lloyd Family Papers in the New York Historical Society.

3 30 January, 1777. Heitman's Continental Register.

4 Col. Wm. R. Lee.

5 Heitman dates the appointment as of 21 November, 1776.

6 April 23, 1779.

7 July 1st, 1780. New York State Archives, and Heitman.

8 There is a letter in the Clinton Papers addressed to him as Major at West Point, Aug. 4th, 1780, from Gov. Clinton, concerning a Mr Ostrander.

9 Public Papers of George Clinton, First Governor of New York. Published by the State. Albany, 1900. Vol. vi, p. 265.

10 It was thus that he always signed his name.  In later life he often added a figure denoting the year of his age.

11 Clinton Papers, vi, p. 302.

12 What little Latin he may have had would seem—if this was exactly reproduced in printing the Clinton Papers—to have grown rusty in war-time.

13 Clinton Papers, Vol. vi, p. 858.

14 Ibid., p. 888. The other members of this Court beside those named above were:

Lt. Col. Griffin          Lt. Col. Landon                   Lt. Col. Hoffman

Major Schenck          Capt. Van Wack                  Capt. Swartwout

Capt. Conckling        Capt. Storm                         Capt. Reynolds

Lieut. Rappelye         Lieut. McBride

15 Shortly before, in February of that year, his beautiful cousin, Sarah Lloyd, the first wife of the Hon. James Hillhouse, wrote to her cousin, Rebecca: “Pray where is your Brother and when is he to be married?  I never loved him so well in my life—his conduct made him appear in the most amiable light to me.”  The cousins, having but four grandparents, were almost like brother and sister.  The affectionate relations in which they had grown up are indicated in an earlier letter of hers, Feb. 24, 1774: “Remember me most tenderly to Melancthon, very kindly and thankfully for the squirrel skins.”

16 While the war was still on, he generously undertook to provide for a young cousin.  The Day Book of his brother-in-law, Henry Livingston, of Poughkeepsie, has the entry, July 12, 1777, “My Brother-in-law, Melancton Welles came here according to agreement with Melancton Lloyd Woolsey. I am to school & maintain him till he is grown up at his charge.”  The boy was then seven years old.  Henry Livingston had married his sister, Sarah [sentence misleading, Melancton Woolsey Welles’s sister was Sarah Welles].  They were daughter and son of Rev. Dr. Noah Welles and his wife, Abigail Woolsey, of Stamford.   Other entries in the same Day Book show how prices had risen, in Continental money; e.g., “Nov. 6, 1779, Melancton Woolsey bought my Spanish mare for one thousand dollars, payable the 6th of April next with interest at 7 pr cent."  "Apr. 22, 1780, Melancton Woolsey paid me in full for the Spanish mare 1035 Cont'l dollars,” probably the equivalent of not more than £25 — if pounds sterling could have been had save at such a premium.  But the army was paid (when paid) in Continental money.

17 Some of the articles procured when this "dashing away" came to pass may have been among those inventoried at a sale of effects held in 1819, after his decease.  Some of the items, with valuation set (or prices fetched) are of rather tantalizing interest to-day:

Tea Urn $26            Tea-pot $40                 Bowl $40                                  Castor $18

Spoons $40              Coffee Urn $10           Cake basket $40                      Pepper box $6

6 Beds and bedding $240                           11 Yellow Windsor chairs $9.05

Bureau $8                 3 Green arm'd                 do     $1.88

Cherry table and rounds $12                     12 Cottage chairs $24.

Cherry wash stand 16 shillings                  Writing chair  1 pound

18 It is gratifying to know that this was the course eventually followed, awards being made to the several heirs by arbitration, Dec. 18th, 1800.

19 June 23, 1786. Calendar of New York Colonial Manuscripts.

20 For these appointments, see "Military Minutes of the Council of Appointment of the State of New York." Published by the State Historian.

21 In the “Olden Barnavelt” cemetery.  The tombstone gives the date, June 19, probably a mistake.

22 This information furnished by the Secretary of the Grand Lodge of the State of New York.

23 Records of Christ Church, Poughkeepsie, compiled by Helen Wilkinson Reynolds.

24 History of Plattsburgh. Palmer.

25 Ibid.

Notes:   The printed Moorsfield Press publication had inserted images showing the following (not shown here):
  • Alida Livingston Woolsey, From a portrait by Tuthill, in possession of the Rev. M. Lloyd Woolsey
  • Alida Livingston's Early Home.  The Henry Livingston House at Poughkeepsie.  No longer standing.
  • The Fireplace in the Henry Livingston House.
  • The House at Cumberland Head.  As it appeared in 1860.  From Lossing's Field Book of the War of 1812

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